Changing Balance of Power Between Morocco and the West

From 1893, Sultan Hassan I maintained a personal representative in the southeast frontier to assert his sovereignty. However, due to vague authority and undefined borders, the region continued to experience disputes. Despite the looming threat from France, the most serious military conflicts in the late nineteenth century involved Spain. The Tetouan War of 1859-60, costing the makhzan 100 million pesetas in reparations, was a significant blow. In 1893, hostilities resumed between the Spanish garrison at Melilla and neighboring Amazigh tribes. A Spanish attempt to encroach on Moroccan territory provoked a localized holy war. Sultan Hassan I refrained from involving his newly modernized army and sought a diplomatic resolution, resulting in a costly peace with Morocco agreeing to pay 20 million pesetas in indemnities.

Changing Balance of Power 

Diplomatic Strategies and Military Conflicts

The strategy of Moroccan sultans was to avoid direct military involvement and encourage tribes to avoid rash actions while seeking diplomatic resolutions. The Tunisian example, where French "police actions" led to the creation of a protectorate, served as a warning of the dangers of a volatile frontier. Sultans needed to show willingness to defend Moroccan territory to maintain domestic support. Sultan Hassan I’s expedition to Tafilalet in 1893-94 aimed to reassert makhzan authority but was not followed up after his death in 1894. With increasing French aggression and support for more active Moroccan policies, the status quo became more fragile. The late nineteenth century saw a rise in Muslim resistance to European imperialism and a determination to resist conquest. This period, known as the general crisis of Islam, was marked by strengthening relations between Muslim states. In Morocco, the penetration of Near Eastern ideas of religious reformism indicated this trend. Sultan Hassan I’s foreign policy also reflected this. While attempting to maintain the status quo with Europe, he sought to safeguard the desert frontier by reasserting Moroccan claims over the central Sahara, Mauretania, and parts of Western Sudan, including Timbuktu. The makhzan invested local chiefs with Moroccan offices, maintained correspondence, received delegations, and supplied arms and ammunition, strengthening Morocco’s ties with its Saharan outliers.

Relations with the Ottoman Empire and Near East

Moroccan sultans, claiming descent from the classical Islamic caliphs, theoretically challenged Ottoman hegemony over Dar al-Islam. While avoiding pressing their claims, the makhzan also refrained from direct relations with the Ottoman Empire to maintain their position. Attempts to establish relations were made with German intermediaries' aid, but the makhzan’s refusal meant contacts were unofficial. By 1900, with increased European pressure, Moroccan reform-minded notables and officials urged strengthening connections with the Ottoman regime. A recurring theme after 1860 was the sultans’ attempts to modernize the Moroccan army. They deemphasized the old jaysh tribes system and introduced new units, including an elite infantry corps (the Caskar), a national guard from tax-paying tribes (the nuvvab), a modern artillery section (tobjia), and a corps of engineers (muhandis). The old jaysh contingents became a rural constabulary and urban police force. To train the new army, European renegades were initially used as instructors, followed by sending Moroccans to military schools in Europe, and finally inviting military advisors from various powers. Sultan Hassan I avoided relying exclusively on one or two European powers to prevent giving any one nation too much influence. However, this policy led to duplication and lack of standardization in the state arsenals, increasing expenses. Large expenditures on cannon, rifles, ammunition, uniforms, and military expeditions further depleted the Moroccan treasury.

Impact of Modern Weapons and Smuggling

The acquisition of modern weapons by tribes, especially after 1880, when arms sales expanded, undermined military reforms. Most modern weapons reached tribes through smuggling, a lucrative business involving various powers. Makhzan weapons often disappeared from arsenals, reappearing in tribal hands due to corrupt officials and deliberate policies. Sultan Hassan I armed great barons of the Western High Atlas with modern weapons to secure their support, leading to the expansion of their fiefs. The combined efforts of smugglers and officials ensured no shortage of modern arms among tribes. Despite the risks of tribal uprisings, Moroccan cities were closely linked with their rural surroundings through religion, trade, and political patronage. Urban religious institutions, particularly those associated with Islam, held significant influence over the countryside. For example, the ulama of Fez wielded considerable prestige in rural areas, with their collective opinions on important matters being highly regarded. This religious influence helped create a sense of unity between cities and hinterlands. Furthermore, economic interactions challenged colonial stereotypes of rural isolation and autarchy. Urban merchants played a crucial role in providing the capital necessary for raising livestock by both Amazigh and Arab tribes. These merchants often sold the animals in Algeria or at coastal cities like Mellila and Tangier. In addition to livestock, rural inhabitants depended on city markets for various goods, including arms, ammunition, tea, sugar, cloth, and luxury items. Itinerant peddlers, many of them Jewish, made regular rounds of countryside markets from the cities, supplying these goods to rural communities. Wealthy tribal leaders often acquired urban properties and, in some cases, relocated to cities permanently. This movement of people and resources between urban and rural areas created a complex web of economic and social ties that strengthened the overall cohesion of Moroccan society. Urban industries also relied heavily on raw materials from rural areas. The production of leather, cloth, and metal goods in cities depended on the supply of these materials from the countryside. This interdependence between urban and rural areas further reinforced the economic connections between cities and tribes. The flow of goods and services between these regions created a dynamic and integrated economy that benefited both urban and rural populations. The economic ties between cities and tribes were thus multifaceted and essential for the overall prosperity of Morocco.

Tribal Structure and Segmentation

Moroccan rural society was organized in tribes based on descent from a common ancestor. This structure differed significantly from the more entrenched agrarian classes of the Middle East. The term 'tribe' encompasses a wide variety of groups with diverse ways of life and organizational structures. One model used to explain the organization and functioning of Moroccan tribes is the British anthropological theory of lineage segmentation. According to this theory, segmentary societies are organized around the principle of genealogical descent. Levels of segmentation (lineage, clan, tribe) correspond to major divisions in the genealogical chart of the group. These societies characteristically lack a central chief and have power distributed more or less equally among segments. Feuding between subgroups is common, but in the face of a common enemy, such tribes often coalesce into a united front. This ability to unite against external threats allowed segmentary tribes to generate considerable power when needed. Some Moroccan tribes fit the classical segmentary theory well, while others do not. For example, the Ait Atta of the desert fringe, the Ait Waryagher of the eastern Rif Mountains, and the Ait Yafelman of the central Atlas are among the most militarily important groups in Morocco and conform to the theory of segmentary societies. Generally, the Berber tribes of the Rif, Central and Middle Atlas, and the pre-Saharan steppe zone conform better to this theory than the Arab tribes of the central plains. Despite the theoretical genealogical basis for tribal organization, many tribes included families from diverse origins. As a result, segmentation often served as a theoretical model rather than a strict reality. The social organization of particular tribes often reflected the residence patterns of component groups rather than the genealogical model itself. The structural completeness of a given tribe in segmentary terms tended to be influenced by its ecological situation, the strength and disposition of its neighbors, and the extent to which segmentation became intertwined with landholding patterns. An easier ecological situation and more peaceful neighbors generally led to the gradual atrophy of higher levels of segmentation due to the lack of a compelling need for broader solidarity.

Government and Artificial Tribes

In addition to naturally occurring tribes, some tribes were creations of the central government. These artificial tribes were formed from various groups for administrative purposes. For example, the Ait Ndhir tribe in the Middle Atlas originated from remnants of older confederations. The Sais plain near Fez was inhabited by small tribes installed there during the nineteenth century. The jaysh (or guich) tribes, granted crown lands in exchange for military service, represent another example of artificial groups created by the government. These tribes were strategically placed along important routes and around key cities to provide military support to the central government. The jaysh forces formed the backbone of the Moroccan army until well into the nineteenth century. Notable Jaysh tribes included the Oudaia, Cherarda, and Cheraga, which were heterogeneous in origin but crucial to the government's military strength.

Complex Rural Society and Tribal Dynamics

Moroccan tribes existed within a complex society characterized by a central government and rich cultural traditions. While tribes maintained their customs and identities, they were also influenced by the broader Arab-Islamic civilization of which they were a part. The rural world of Morocco was diverse, with tribes following different ways of life. Some tribes, such as the Berbers of the Rif and Western High Atlas, were sedentary agriculturists who raised tree crops for the market. Others, like the tribes of the Middle Atlas and pre-Saharan steppes, were pastoral transhumants who made annual migrations with their sheep and goats. The Arab tribes of the central plains practiced a mixture of agriculture, particularly cereal grains, and pastoralism. By the late nineteenth century, commercial agriculture had deeply penetrated these tribes. A recurring theme after 1860 was the sultans’ attempts to modernize the Moroccan army. They deemphasized the old jaysh tribes system and introduced new units, including an elite infantry corps (the Caskar), a national guard from tax-paying tribes (the nuvvab), a modern artillery section (tobjia), and a corps of engineers (muhandis). The old jaysh contingents became a rural constabulary and urban police force. To train the new army, European renegades were initially used as instructors, followed by sending Moroccans to military schools in Europe, and finally inviting military advisors from various powers. Sultan Hassan I avoided relying exclusively on one or two European powers to prevent giving any one nation too much influence. However, this policy led to duplication and lack of standardization in the state arsenals, increasing expenses. Large expenditures on cannon, rifles, ammunition, uniforms, and military expeditions further depleted the Moroccan treasury. The acquisition of modern weapons by tribes, especially after 1880, when arms sales expanded, undermined military reforms. Most modern weapons reached tribes through smuggling, a lucrative business involving various powers. Makhzan weapons often disappeared from arsenals, reappearing in tribal hands due to corrupt officials and deliberate policies. Sultan Hassan I armed great barons of the Western High Atlas with modern weapons to secure their support, leading to the expansion of their fiefs. The combined efforts of smugglers and officials ensured no shortage of modern arms among tribes.

Conclusion

The changing balance of power between Morocco and the West in the late nineteenth century was marked by increasing European aggression, significant economic and political reforms, and ongoing frontier conflicts. These factors contributed to the gradual erosion of Moroccan sovereignty and set the stage for the eventual establishment of European colonial rule in Morocco. Understanding these complex dynamics provides crucial insights into the historical context of Morocco's transformation during this period.